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A coup d'état (International Phonetic Alphabet: or The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language: tä), or simply coup, is the sudden overthrow of a government, often through illegal means by a part of the state establishment — mostly replacing just the high-level figures. It is also an example of political engineering. It can be (although not necessarily) violent, but it is different from a revolution, which is staged by a larger group and radically changes the political system through unconstitutional means.

The term is French entity over another; e.g. an intelligence coup. By analogy, the term is also applied to corporations, etc; e.g. a boardroom coup.

Since the unsuccessful coup attempts of Wolfgang Kapp in 1920, and of Adolf Hitler in 1923, the Helvetism#Swiss expressions that were imported into Standard German word "Putsch" (pronounced ) (originally coined with the Züriputsch of 1839) is often used also, even in French language (such as the putsch of November 8, 1942 and the putsch of April 21, 1961, both in Algiers) and Russian (August Putsch in 1991), while the direct German language translation is Staatsstreich.

tactic (method), a coup usually involves control of some active portion of the military while neutralizing the remainder of a country's armed services. This active group captures or expels leaders, seizes physical control of important government offices, means of communication, and the physical infrastructure, such as streets and power plants. The coup succeeds if its opponents fail to dislodge the plotters, allowing them to consolidate their position, obtain the surrender or acquiescence of the populace and surviving armed forces, and claim legitimacy.Coups typically use the power of the existing government for its own takeover. As Edward Luttwak remarks in his Coup d'État: A Practical Handbook: "A coup consists of the infiltration of a small but critical segment of the state apparatus, which is then used to displace the government from its control of the remainder." In this sense, use of military or other organized force is not the defining feature of a coup d'État.

Etymology The coup d'État has been used in politics well into ancient times.Caesar's_civil_war, January_10, 49_BC The expression itself is relatively new. According to the Oxford Dictionary, in 1646 Howell first used coup d'État in his book Louis XIII, Life of Richelieu. It was first used in England in 1811 by Thompson, referring to Napoleon Bonaparte's 1799 overthrow of the Revolutionary Directory.

According to Prof. Thomas Childers of the University of Pennsylvania the lack of a word to denote a sudden unconstitutional change of government derives from the political institutions of England. Although France’s and Germany’s history are liberally colored by this type of political event, the history of England is not. England's last coup d’état was the 1688 Glorious Revolution, in which William of Orange, together with a group of parliamentarians, overthrew James II of England, the last Roman Catholic English ruler and facilitated the establishing of a modern parliamentary democracy. In England, this is an action that occurs very rarely, and for which there has not been the need to create a word.

The pronunciamento The traditional analogue of the military coup in Spain and the Hispanic America was termed a pronunciamiento (literally, "pronouncement" or "declaration"). The difference, according to Edward Luttwak, between a pronunciamiento and a coup d'etat is that in a coup, the overthrow of the civilian government is undertaken by a faction of the country's armed forces, whereas a pronunciamiento is the overthrow of a civilian government by the official action of the command structure of its armed forces. The term itself deemphasizes the forceful aspect of the coup, and instead focuses on the customary statement issued by the leader or leaders of the military, which declares the existing government null and void and explains their reasons for assuming control. These pronunciamientos were often published as formal written documents in order to attract popular support for the uprising, thus blurring the line between coup and insurrection. In Mexico, where such declarations were often quite detailed, formal, and issued as written texts, they were given the name of Plans in Mexican History. A prominent example of a pronunciamiento in the history of Spain was the successful coup of September 1868 against the reigning queen, Isabel II, who was driven from the country by military forces headed by General Prim and Francisco Serrano y Domínguez, Duke de la Torre. A more recent example of a Pronunciamiento occurred in Thailand in 2006, when the armed forces as a whole took over the duties of government and exiled the prime minister.

In the recent years, the traditional military coup has declined worldwide. The more usual form of military intervention, which some regard as coups d'état, uses the threat of military force to remove a vulnerable or unpopular leader. In contrast to straight coups d'état, the military does not directly assume power, but rather installs civilian leaders it finds more palatable. One advantage of this tactic is the appearance of greater legitimacy. A classic example is the collapse of the French Fourth Republic. This has also occurred twice in the Philippines. In Mauritania a bloodless coup d'état happened on August 3, 2005 when the president was in Saudi Arabia.

In recent years, there have been several examples of the potential for mass street protests to persuade the military to withdraw its support from leaders, sometimes leading the opposition to take power in coup-like fashion. In situations of this sort, such as in Serbia (2000), Argentina (2001), Philippines (1986 & 2001), Bolivia (2003), Georgia (country) (2003), Ukraine (2004-2005), Lebanon, Ecuador and Bolivia (2005), popular uprisings forced the sitting political leader to resign from office, causing someone new to assume the role. This often results in a period of stability and calm, in which an unknown and uncontroversial interim leader can run the government until new elections can be held. These events are not generally called coups, because they are not orchestrated by a small group but are the result of popular action. The Iranian Islamic Revolution of 1979 could be put in this category, although it was clearly led by the Ayatollah Khomeini, because it began with deep-seated popular opposition to the rule of the last Shah of Iran, whose father's rule had begun with a military coup assisted by foreign intelligence agencies, and whose rule had been oppressive and kleptocratic. No doubt, much of the anti-Shah opposition had been hoping to establish a democratic government; what they got was what the Ayatollah wanted: a theocracy, which lingers on despite significant popular opposition.

Types of coups Samuel P. Huntington has divided coups into three types (ignoring Luttwak's non-military coups)







Coups can also be classified by the level of the military that leads the coup. Veto coups and guardian coups tend to be led by senior officers. Breakthrough coups tend to be led by junior officers or NCOs. In cases where the coup is led by junior officers or enlisted men, the coup is also a mutiny, which can have grave implications for the organizational structure of the military.

There is also a category known as bloodless coups in which the mere threat of violence is enough to force the current government to step aside. Bloodless coups are so called because they involve no violence and thus no bloodshed. Napoleon I of France's 18 Brumaire coup is often pointed out as an example of bloodless coup, showing that bloodless coups are not always considered to be "bloodless": on 18 Brumaire, several members of parliament were thrown out the windows of the building where they assembled. More recently, Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan came to power in a bloodless coup in 1999, and Sonthi Boonyaratglin came to power in Thailand at the head of the Council for Democratic Reform under Constitutional Monarchy in 2006

The term self-coup is used when the current government assumes extraordinary powers not allowed by the legislation. A historical example is the actions of then President and later French Emperor Napoleon III in 1851 against the powerful National Assembly; while a more modern example is Alberto Fujimori#Self-coup in Peru, who was democratically elected, but later took control of the legislative and judicial powers. Some argue that the assumption of "emergency powers" by King Gyanendra of Nepal of Nepal was a self-coup.

Post-military-coup governments After the coup, the military is faced with the issue of the type of government to establish. In Latin America, it was common for the post-coup government to be led by a Military dictatorship, a committee of the chiefs of staff of the various armed forces. A common form of African post-coup government is the revolutionary assembly, a quasi-legislative body made of members elected by the army. In Pakistan, the military leader typically assumes the title of chief martial law administrator.

According to Huntington, most coup leaders act under the concept of right orders: they believe that the best way to solve the problems their country is facing is to issue correct orders. This view of government underestimates the difficulty in implementing government policy and the amount of possible political resistance to certain orders. It also presupposes that everyone that matters in the country shares a single common interest, and the only question is how to pursue it.

Currently-serving leaders who came to power via coups

See also

Notes External links



References

A coup d'état (International Phonetic Alphabet: or The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language: tä), or simply coup, is the sudden overthrow of a government, often through illegal means by a part of the state establishment — mostly replacing just the high-level figures. It is also an example of political engineering. It can be (although not necessarily) violent, but it is different from a revolution, which is staged by a larger group and radically changes the political system through unconstitutional means.

The term is French entity over another; e.g. an intelligence coup. By analogy, the term is also applied to corporations, etc; e.g. a boardroom coup.

Since the unsuccessful coup attempts of Wolfgang Kapp in 1920, and of Adolf Hitler in 1923, the Helvetism#Swiss expressions that were imported into Standard German word "Putsch" (pronounced ) (originally coined with the Züriputsch of 1839) is often used also, even in French language (such as the putsch of November 8, 1942 and the putsch of April 21, 1961, both in Algiers) and Russian (August Putsch in 1991), while the direct German language translation is Staatsstreich.

tactic (method), a coup usually involves control of some active portion of the military while neutralizing the remainder of a country's armed services. This active group captures or expels leaders, seizes physical control of important government offices, means of communication, and the physical infrastructure, such as streets and power plants. The coup succeeds if its opponents fail to dislodge the plotters, allowing them to consolidate their position, obtain the surrender or acquiescence of the populace and surviving armed forces, and claim legitimacy.Coups typically use the power of the existing government for its own takeover. As Edward Luttwak remarks in his Coup d'État: A Practical Handbook: "A coup consists of the infiltration of a small but critical segment of the state apparatus, which is then used to displace the government from its control of the remainder." In this sense, use of military or other organized force is not the defining feature of a coup d'État.

Etymology The coup d'État has been used in politics well into ancient times.Caesar's_civil_war, January_10, 49_BC The expression itself is relatively new. According to the Oxford Dictionary, in 1646 Howell first used coup d'État in his book Louis XIII, Life of Richelieu. It was first used in England in 1811 by Thompson, referring to Napoleon Bonaparte's 1799 overthrow of the Revolutionary Directory.

According to Prof. Thomas Childers of the University of Pennsylvania the lack of a word to denote a sudden unconstitutional change of government derives from the political institutions of England. Although France’s and Germany’s history are liberally colored by this type of political event, the history of England is not. England's last coup d’état was the 1688 Glorious Revolution, in which William of Orange, together with a group of parliamentarians, overthrew James II of England, the last Roman Catholic English ruler and facilitated the establishing of a modern parliamentary democracy. In England, this is an action that occurs very rarely, and for which there has not been the need to create a word.

The pronunciamento The traditional analogue of the military coup in Spain and the Hispanic America was termed a pronunciamiento (literally, "pronouncement" or "declaration"). The difference, according to Edward Luttwak, between a pronunciamiento and a coup d'etat is that in a coup, the overthrow of the civilian government is undertaken by a faction of the country's armed forces, whereas a pronunciamiento is the overthrow of a civilian government by the official action of the command structure of its armed forces. The term itself deemphasizes the forceful aspect of the coup, and instead focuses on the customary statement issued by the leader or leaders of the military, which declares the existing government null and void and explains their reasons for assuming control. These pronunciamientos were often published as formal written documents in order to attract popular support for the uprising, thus blurring the line between coup and insurrection. In Mexico, where such declarations were often quite detailed, formal, and issued as written texts, they were given the name of Plans in Mexican History. A prominent example of a pronunciamiento in the history of Spain was the successful coup of September 1868 against the reigning queen, Isabel II, who was driven from the country by military forces headed by General Prim and Francisco Serrano y Domínguez, Duke de la Torre. A more recent example of a Pronunciamiento occurred in Thailand in 2006, when the armed forces as a whole took over the duties of government and exiled the prime minister.

In the recent years, the traditional military coup has declined worldwide. The more usual form of military intervention, which some regard as coups d'état, uses the threat of military force to remove a vulnerable or unpopular leader. In contrast to straight coups d'état, the military does not directly assume power, but rather installs civilian leaders it finds more palatable. One advantage of this tactic is the appearance of greater legitimacy. A classic example is the collapse of the French Fourth Republic. This has also occurred twice in the Philippines. In Mauritania a bloodless coup d'état happened on August 3, 2005 when the president was in Saudi Arabia.

In recent years, there have been several examples of the potential for mass street protests to persuade the military to withdraw its support from leaders, sometimes leading the opposition to take power in coup-like fashion. In situations of this sort, such as in Serbia (2000), Argentina (2001), Philippines (1986 & 2001), Bolivia (2003), Georgia (country) (2003), Ukraine (2004-2005), Lebanon, Ecuador and Bolivia (2005), popular uprisings forced the sitting political leader to resign from office, causing someone new to assume the role. This often results in a period of stability and calm, in which an unknown and uncontroversial interim leader can run the government until new elections can be held. These events are not generally called coups, because they are not orchestrated by a small group but are the result of popular action. The Iranian Islamic Revolution of 1979 could be put in this category, although it was clearly led by the Ayatollah Khomeini, because it began with deep-seated popular opposition to the rule of the last Shah of Iran, whose father's rule had begun with a military coup assisted by foreign intelligence agencies, and whose rule had been oppressive and kleptocratic. No doubt, much of the anti-Shah opposition had been hoping to establish a democratic government; what they got was what the Ayatollah wanted: a theocracy, which lingers on despite significant popular opposition.

Types of coups Samuel P. Huntington has divided coups into three types (ignoring Luttwak's non-military coups)







Coups can also be classified by the level of the military that leads the coup. Veto coups and guardian coups tend to be led by senior officers. Breakthrough coups tend to be led by junior officers or NCOs. In cases where the coup is led by junior officers or enlisted men, the coup is also a mutiny, which can have grave implications for the organizational structure of the military.

There is also a category known as bloodless coups in which the mere threat of violence is enough to force the current government to step aside. Bloodless coups are so called because they involve no violence and thus no bloodshed. Napoleon I of France's 18 Brumaire coup is often pointed out as an example of bloodless coup, showing that bloodless coups are not always considered to be "bloodless": on 18 Brumaire, several members of parliament were thrown out the windows of the building where they assembled. More recently, Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan came to power in a bloodless coup in 1999, and Sonthi Boonyaratglin came to power in Thailand at the head of the Council for Democratic Reform under Constitutional Monarchy in 2006

The term self-coup is used when the current government assumes extraordinary powers not allowed by the legislation. A historical example is the actions of then President and later French Emperor Napoleon III in 1851 against the powerful National Assembly; while a more modern example is Alberto Fujimori#Self-coup in Peru, who was democratically elected, but later took control of the legislative and judicial powers. Some argue that the assumption of "emergency powers" by King Gyanendra of Nepal of Nepal was a self-coup.

Post-military-coup governments After the coup, the military is faced with the issue of the type of government to establish. In Latin America, it was common for the post-coup government to be led by a Military dictatorship, a committee of the chiefs of staff of the various armed forces. A common form of African post-coup government is the revolutionary assembly, a quasi-legislative body made of members elected by the army. In Pakistan, the military leader typically assumes the title of chief martial law administrator.

According to Huntington, most coup leaders act under the concept of right orders: they believe that the best way to solve the problems their country is facing is to issue correct orders. This view of government underestimates the difficulty in implementing government policy and the amount of possible political resistance to certain orders. It also presupposes that everyone that matters in the country shares a single common interest, and the only question is how to pursue it.

Currently-serving leaders who came to power via coups

See also

Notes External links



References



 

Coup



 
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